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Who regulates tribal government gaming? tribal gaming is subject to more regulation and security controls than any other type of gambling in the u.s. tribal gaming is regulated by federal, tribal and state governments. federal law requires special oversight of tribal gaming by the national indian gaming commission and the bureau of indian affairs. tribal casinos are also subject to review by the irs, fbi, justice department and other federal agencies. federal law also requires each gaming tribe to establish an independent tribal gaming commission to oversee its gaming operations. in washington, each indian casino, depending on its size, employs 6-30 full-time regulatory agents to enforce gaming laws. the washington state gambling commission also regulates tribal gaming and reviews tribal gaming commission records monthly. will allowing video slot machines at card rooms, bars and other establishments help with the state's budget problem? it will not help the state's short-term budget problem. it would be some time before the state saw any significant revenue from video slot machines. in addition to upfront expenses to the state, it would take time to draft and enact regulations, process permits, conduct background checks, and hire and train additional personnel needed to adequately enforce state regulations. also, any new revenue from video slot machines would be partially offset by new government and social service expenses. is there public support for expanding gambling in washington? a recent public opinion poll found 75 percent of washington citizens oppose expanding gambling. many of the state's newspapers have also expressed opposition to expanded gambling. in addition, many local communities are already moving to ban card rooms and phase out existing ones. more than 50 communities now ban gambling in their area. is washington's for-profit gambling industry in trouble economically? no. from 1998-2001, card rooms reporting business to the state grew by more than 20 percent, and annual gross revenues at those card rooms rose almost 0 million dollars--a 660 percent increase. over the same time frame, the average card room's annual net income grew to 7, 000. how will expanded electronic gambling impact local communities? local governments can ban card rooms and other forms of for-profit gambling outright, but they otherwise do not have the authority to regulate for-profit gambling. if the state lottery introduces electronic gambling, video poker tip or five-minute keno, local governments will have absolutely no ability to control the state-run gambling. studies show that closer proximity to gambling operations increases the rate of problem or pathological gambling in a community. national research estimates the average social cost including related crime, lost productivity and bankruptcy costs ; per pathological gambler is , 586 annually. state gambling studies indicate five percent of all washington citizens have had gambling problems, and over eight percent of washington adolescents are at risk of developing gambling problems. Horse had pushed dubatouk's head. in my sleep even, i was experiencing the events of the night all over again: i ran, shot, jumped, and felt my feet moving in my sleep. my awakening was a strange one, although the state i was in could hardly have been called an awakening. still sleeping, a feeling of something heavy arose, as if the shadow of some great and last misfortune were threatening me. it seemed that someone was sitting on my feet, so heavy had they become. i opened my eyes and saw death nearby with dubatouk laughing boisterously. i understood that this was all in a dream, but the misfortune was tangible and alive in the room, it was moving, it was coming nearer and nearer. the canopy was threatening me, was floating down to me, choking me, its tassels were swinging right in front of my eyes. my heart was thumping madly. i felt something mysterious approaching me, its heavy steps sounding along the passages, but i was weak and helpless, nor was there any need for strength, the evil monster was about to catch me now, or rather, not me, but her; and her thin, weak little bones were about to crack. but i hadn't the strength to prevent it, i shook my head and mumbled something, unable to shake off this horrible nightmare. and suddenly the flame of a candle turned towards the ceiling, began to grow smaller and, weakened by its struggle with the darkness, finally died out altogether. i looked at the door it was ajar. the moon had cast a deathly light along the walls of the room and made window squares on the floor. the candlelight in going out, gave off a puff of smoke that rose upward as if in blurred fog. suddenly i saw two very large eyes looking at me through the transparent curtain. it was awful! i shook my head: a woman was looking at me. but her eyes did not see me, they were staring somewhere behind me, as if they were looking through me, not noticing me at all. then she floated away. i looked at her, at the lady-in-blue of marsh firs, and my hair stood on end, though i knew not whether it was reality or a dream, a dream of my weakened mind. it was reality, the woman from the portrait, resembling nadzeya yanowskaya, and at the same time not at all like her: the face elongated and calm, as peaceful as death, the expression on her face and altogether different one. she herself was taller and stronger. the eyes looked lifeless but penetrating, deep as a pool. the lady-in-blue came floating over, was already here in her amazing attire, which in the moonlight fog played like shining waves; she was floating into the middle of the room, reaching out with her waving hands. i felt that i had finally quite awakened, but my feet were in chains. the surprising apparition was moving towards me. "what can have happened to the lady of the house, perhaps she is dead now and that is why such an indescribable fright took hold of me just now in my dream?" this thought gave me strength. i threw off the blanket with my feet and prepared for an attack. when she floated up closer, i grabbed her outstretched hands. in one hand i held the sleeve of her magic attire, some kind of a veil slipped out of my fingers; in the other was something surprisingly weak and warm. with a strong jerk i pulled her towards me and i heard a scream. i understood the essence of the phenomenon when i saw a look of fright on her face again, as if she had awakened from sleep; in her eyes there appeared a meaningful light, an expression of pain, alarm and something else comparable to what one can see in the eyes of a dog awaiting a blow. the lady-in-blue began to tremble in my arms, unable to utter a sound, and then broke into convulsive weeping. the resemblance of this creature to nadzeya yanowskaya was so startling that i, forgetting myself, screamed: "miss nadzeya, calm yourself! what's the matter? where are you?" she couldn't say a word. then the pupils of her eyes filled with horror. 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D j spurred a deep sense of bly to the owner of the norco triathlon that was taken on sept, 9 at "i let temptation and greed safeway. best when said guilt, said me, " the kowalko get kowalko. of he i don't have your address so i'm putting up posters to tell you i the unlocked norco arrived he home immediately sorryfor theinconveinence [sic] a& i'm mt a the#[sicl. whether triathalon was parked in front of started making up "found" notices beleive that or not doesn't meanit is not the truth. so once again i thesafewayon e. broadway. for the bike. sorry. part reward a demand he didn't ten-speed spotted the kowalko of p u show at ubc's asian centre. p.s. i already had some '`found" posters made up by thetimethe while locking up his own bike. for the bike, he said. police came my house. signed: r l x #876-3927 to went "i inside t some o get meanwhile stolen the bike's "the demorlstrators in tiananmen square were in there owner called the police. stuff and wheni cameout the bike for me and other chinese, but police cruising in his was still there unlocked, " he said. when the army killed them they a friend of his four-year-old "when i went home 1 realized i neighbowhood tracked down by lillian au daughtersugar. informed some police getto forgot i wentwhenthe kowalkokilled daughter's his hope for china. i the hotthoughti must leave china because thereis no hope for me." an hour fw~ard had stolen a bike. but unlike the when i decided to take the bike." possession. he accepted another invitation lawrence kowalko took someone italian fiim classic bicycle thief, "i thoughti ; should take it "my daughter's friends attend banffa * centre andleft else's bike, police arrived at his his child did not know about his because someone else will, " he i showed the pallice where lived, * for canada. theft. doorstep. said. kowalko said. kowako showed the "found" "in theairpllane, when i saw posters t the after yangtze meet o police the river the ocean, law because cried i bike. the stole he admitting when 1 would return." "after they arrested me for is to be gu's theft, they told me that i shouldn't teacher-he rec: ently tau t lose any sleep over it. they said at u ~ most 1'11 have to write an apology chinese w ~ l emilyg carr college ofart and design; it note to the owner." but kowalko said he has had was his first teaching job in bouts of insomnia over the stolen vancouver. experience course. the clinic accepts some by terrie chan "at first felt there i "we help those who face clients who would not normally bike, so he put u p nine notices of barricade betweentwowas a culturessafeway on fines or probation, or a possible qualify for vancouver's legal aid ap0logy around the me and the students. i was hey operate from a criminal record, " said joyce which defends those who might samhy. nervous but when the class started trailer outsideu b c s law thayer, a former caseworker. go to jail but can't afford a lawyer. "i not goingto pick up i felt closer, closer, closerthe to y stuff 1findanymore, " kowalko administrator n ~ cwiggs building. inside students the law students defend students." said clinic legal said. "1 let thecome devil into my receive criminal or civil cases of cases only in vancouver, gu previously taughtat those who can't afford a lawyer. richmond and the north shore. between 600 to 700 cases last life.ihopeidon'tgetarecord." sichuan finearts school where "it's likea small lawfirm, " but sometimes burnaby year. however, the number of said law student michael libby of residential tenancydisputes are cases rejected reached the kowalko, who is employed as a he reformed courses had not changed in 35 years, after his ubc's 17-year-old legal clinic. handled. thousands, printing said. a sheoperator press return frombanff in 1987. at the "wemakefor a between c ~ p ysaid , money is tight for forty per cent of the cases those who can afford a the course and cases, * 'wiggs a d . him. so far, he has not heard from end of the term, the students of his involve criminallaw. others lawyer are rejected. first-year drawing class created an the owner of the bike. involve familylaw, small claims each studentmay handle 25 to installation tha.t towered the crown councilwill decide in court actions, and wills of under cases under the supervision of three months if any charges will be classroom ceiling. they used , 000. three practising lawyers teaching ubc legal clinic 822-591i. chairs anddrew on the ceiling and laid. second-year law studen + at ubc. law students lena1 advice floor. `""'he school was shocked, " trained for negotiations, ethics and "we get hands-on experience program voluntiers ; m2-5791. he said. trials-go to court for the clinic to put the theoretical to practise, " legal aid vancouver ; 687-1831, said kowalko: "i kind of his class had a domino effect which is part of a 15-credit thayer said. law line 660-4673. think i won't charged." get on the entire school and poker supply. 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Ealthsouth corp. former ceo richard scrushy was acquitted in june on all 36 counts of conspiracy, false reporting, fraud and money laundering in an alleged .7 billion earnings overstatement at the rehabilitation and medical services chain over seven years beginning in 1996. he blamed the fraud on 15 former healthsouth executives who pleaded guilty. hannibal "sonny" crumpler, a former healthsouth executive, the second person to stand trial in the fraud, was convicted last month of conspiracy and lying to auditors for his role in the fraud. on dec. 10, bill owens, a one-time healthsouth chief financial officer, was sentenced to five years in prison. owens was a main government witness in the failed prosecution of scrushy. yco international ltd. former ceo l. dennis kozlowski and cfo mark h. swartz were convicted in june on 22 of counts of grand larceny, conspiracy, securities fraud and falsifying business records. prosecutors accused the two of conspiring to defraud tyco of millions of dollars to fund extravagant lifestyles. the two were sentenced in september to eight and one-third to 25 years in prison. a judge refused to release kozlowski and swartz on bail while they are appeal their convictions. Legalistic approach, and encouraged equitable outcomes; and final and binding arbitration by a grievance tribunal based on the principle of parity in the constitution of the arbitral body: a chairperson agreed between the pfa and soccer australia; a nominee of soccer australia; and a nominee of the pfa. the pfa quickly developed confidence in the grievance procedure. almost immediately, rulings of the grievance tribunal were upheld in the common law courts. important rulings were won in the favour of individual players on matters that vitally affected the careers of all players, such as the entitlement to be paid in full when injured, compensation when unfairly dismissed and the ability to transfer freely when out of contract. this led to the development of a jurisprudence that enabled other matters to be enforced without recourse to the grievance procedure, generally improved contractual compliance throughout the sport and informed future rounds of collective bargaining. associate professor braham dabscheck, australia's leading academic in the field of industrial relations and sport, has drawn a number of conclusions from his recent research of alternative dispute resolution in australian football: " between 1996 and ; 2003, the pfa has processed 697 player grievances. of these, the pfa says, 319 were `protracted and involved', and 306 `. resolved at an early state'. on average, the pfa . handled 87 grievances a year. the pfa's involvement in grievance disputes, flavours and or highlights the manner in which industrial relations has been conducted in australian soccer. first, the pfa is constantly made aware of the immediate and continuing micro problems experienced by players. further ; , a continuous, seemingly never ending stream of grievances, the pressure of having to respond to so many micro problems has led the pfa to search for a macro, or alternative solution, or what might more usefully be defined as major reforms, in defending and protecting members' rights. " the latter outcome has been the most significant. the pfa has not lost sight of the fact it was founded on the twin pillars of advancing the game as well as the players. the pfa happily played a leadership role in the fundamental reform of australian football of recent years, heralded by the establishment of a new governing body in the impressive football federation australia ffa ; , australia's engagement with asia and the formation of a new professional football competition, the a-league. Playboy tv on a pay-per-view basis. learning to recognize the genre before renting, purchasing, or taping it has had its comedy--yet as my remarks on genre cues indicate, such trial-and-error has also proved enriching. this textual plenitude underscores one of the soundest rationales for a study like soft in the middle. over the last fifteen years, softcore producers have disseminated a vast body of works. insight into the genre fills in neglected sectors of film history and extends the reintegration projects of scholars working on other marginalized cinemas. my crude and no doubt conservative estimate places the total number of american softcore features produced after 1990 at no fewer than 1, 500; this total would be doubled or trebled were featurettes added. these figures remain hazy because the selfconscious industry that spawned this "indecent" genre has maintained an evasive, under-the-radar stance that is reliant on a strategic refusal to refer to itself consistently. unlike more mainstream fields hollywood ; and less mainstream ones hardcore ; , softcore has no trade magazines devoted to it and appears only elliptically in forums like variety or adult video news. outside the internet forum softcore reviews, industry data is not readily accessible, and what is available is scattered, incoherent, and often unreliable. my research has nonetheless yielded more detail than this space can possibly accommodate. such profusion is partly the result of softcore's byzantine nomenclature. because this deliberate multiplicity defies communication, the reader should bear in mind that pseudonyms are rife among softcore producers, players, and even critics. "susan" is "marie, " and don't be surprised if she is "jen" and "michelle" as well.2 while this type of diversity is motivated by an urge for career preservation, a different sort of diversity has been conditioned by an industrial urge for maximum profit. softcore films are routinely edited into variants that conform to the market specifications of disparate distribution channels.3 these films have also been retitled or recredited in transfer from one market to another and may appear under multiple titles in the same context at the same time.4 softcore films have, further, been recycled under new titles years after their release, and their "numbers" have been scavenged by producers intent on fleshing out "compilations" in which the identities of the performers are insignificant.5 straitened projects have even been known to replay their own numbers, as in torchlight's beach babes 2: cave girl island 1995 ; . sequeling adds another layer of multiplicity. though difficult to convey, a sense of this diversity is indispensable to any account of the genre--and insofar as it suppresses the notion of the immutable aesthetic object, a mirage that still distorts areas of film studies, it may serve as a kind of critical corrective. which brings me to antiessentialism. one justification for studying softcore is that such a venture may be construed as a part of a wider cultural proj.

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